Trump’s past diplomacy with Qatar on counterterrorism, economic ties, and regional stability could foster continued cooperation in his second term.
As President-elect Donald Trump prepares for his inauguration on Monday, the Middle East braces for a continuation of his “America First” approach, with potential shifts in U.S. foreign policy toward key regional players like Qatar.
Interestingly, a mix of strategic interests and tensions marked Trump’s Qatar policy during his first presidency in 2016-2020. While maintaining strong ties with Doha due to economic and security partnerships, he also took a tough stance on terrorism financing, urging Qatar to address regional concerns and to improve relations with its neighbours.
In June 2017, Saudi Arabia and its allies imposed a diplomatic and economic blockade on Qatar, accusing the country of terrorism funding and regional interference. Initially, Trump showed tolerance towards Saudi Arabia’s actions, backing the pressure while calling for a diplomatic resolution.
Soon, however, Trump shifted his approach as the diplomatic crisis escalated. Recognising the impact on U.S. interests in the region, Trump worked to de-escalate tensions, urging dialogue between the Gulf countries. His efforts led to a breakthrough in January 2021, culminating in the Al-Ula Agreement, which restored relations between Qatar and its neighbours, and highlighted Trump’s ability to pivot from confrontation to reconciliation.
Qatar-U.S. ‘strong diplomatic partnership’
Trump began to appreciate the role played by Doha in mitigating conflicts and mediation, thus proving to be a valuable asset to the U.S. during its negotiations with the Taliban. As a neutral party with strong diplomatic ties to both the U.S. and Afghanistan, Qatar hosted critical peace talks in Doha, facilitating dialogue between the U.S. and Taliban representatives.
Qatar’s strategic position and diplomatic neutrality allowed it to mediate effectively, playing a key role in the 2020 U.S.-Taliban agreement. Its logistical support and reputation as a neutral facilitator made Qatar an indispensable partner in advancing U.S. efforts to secure a peaceful resolution to the Afghan conflict.
With Trump back in the Oval Office, attention will turn to his relationship with Qatar, a key Gulf ally. His previous diplomatic engagement on counterterrorism, economic ties, and regional stability could pave the way for continued cooperation in his second term. Officials from both the U.S. and Qatar have already initiated talks, signaling a strong diplomatic partnership moving forward.
The 47th U.S president will also face growing geopolitical complexities in the Middle East, with Iran’s continued regional influence prompting the Washington to maintain its military presence and sanctions. Trump’s focus on countering Iran may align with Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which support Israeli security and are likely to pursue further normalisation agreements, as seen with the Abraham Accords.

Relying on Doha as mediator between Israel and Palestine
In 2019, the U.S. and Qatar worked together to de-escalate tensions between Israel and the Palestinians, notably during periods of intense conflict.
Qatar, with its strong ties to both Israel and Palestinian factions – particularly Hamas – played a crucial role as a mediator in facilitating communication between the two sides. Trump’s administration recognised Qatar’s unique position in the region due to its extensive influence with Hamas and its financial contributions to the Palestinian people, which made it an important partner in peace efforts.
In November of the same year, as Israeli violence escalated in the Gaza Strip and killed 34 Palestinians in two days, Qatar used its diplomatic channels to engage with Hamas. At the same time, the Trump administration applied pressure on Israel to avoid civilian casualties and to seek a peaceful resolution.
Qatar’s humanitarian aid to Gaza, facilitated by its ties with Hamas, has also helped to stabilise the situation by easing economic pressures on civilians and fostering goodwill for diplomatic efforts. In his second term, Trump would likely continue to rely on Qatar’s mediation role to facilitate ceasefires and humanitarian aid, while prioritising U.S. security and strategic interests in the region.
I believe Trump’s broader Middle East policies this time around would likely shape efforts to address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His “Peace to Prosperity” plan, which focused on economic incentives for Palestinian territories while sidelining political leadership, could remain central. Despite skepticism from Palestinian leaders, Trump’s strong ties with Israel and regional powers like Saudi Arabia and the UAE will continue to influence his diplomatic leverage.
Pro-Israel stance
Trump’s approach to the Middle East has been marked by an emphasis on strengthening alliances with key regional players, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, while exerting pressure on adversaries like Iran. His second term would likely maintain a pro-Israel stance, yet would also require navigating complex regional challenges, including the Palestinian issue.
On the Palestinian front, Trump’s administration would likely continue its unconventional approach, pressuring Palestinian leaders to engage in negotiations under conditions more favourable to Israeli security than in the past. While this approach could contribute to short-term ceasefire agreements, it would likely fail to address the underlying political and territorial issues, ensuring that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains a long-term challenge for the region.
A second Trump administration would likely pursue a mix of diplomacy, economic incentives, and security cooperation in the Middle East, similar to his first presidency. While this approach could contribute to temporary ceasefires and regional stability, particularly between Israel and the Palestinians, it’s unlikely lead to a comprehensive peace agreement.
The broader impact of his policies would continue to be shaped by shifting alliances, the ongoing influence of regional actors, and the larger contest for power between the U.S., Israel, and Iran.
Hassan A. Barari is a professor of International Relations at Qatar University.
This article is an opinion piece and does not necessarily reflect the views of Doha News, its editorial board, or staff.